土地经济学论文英文名

Multiple and intensive land use: case studies in Hong Kong　　S S Y Lau, R Giridharan and S Ganesan,　　Department of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Hong Kong　　Available online 01 January 　　Abstract　　Multiple Intensive Land Use (MILU) achieves intensification of land use through mixing residential, commercial and other uses at higher densities at selected urban locations, while being supported by an efficient public transport and pedestrian Successful case studies in Hong Kong have more than five uses, Residential, Commercial, Recreational, Community facilities and Transport The residential component in these projects is usually between 30% and 65% of the total gross floor The MILU concept is being implemented in subsidized public housing projects as Multiple land uses within the podium, together with access to five or more modes of public transport and an accessible network of multilevel pedestrian links create the necessary variety, vitality and The paper examines three different generations of MILU fabric and discusses the integrating design variables, while focusing on the life style and design approaches of Hong K　　Author Keywords: Multiple intensive land use (MILU); Urban space; High-density; High-rise; Podium design　　Article Outline　　• Historical introduction to MILU　　• Objective and approach　　• Multiple intensive land use practice　　• Fundamental approach underpinning multiple intensive use in Hong Kong　　• Verticality　　• Space proximity　　• Compactness　　• Sky city　　• Case studies　　• Hong Kong case study 1: Mei Fu Sun Chuen development　　• Hong Kong case study 2: Metro-city development　　• Hong Kong case study 3: Kowloon Station　　• Analysis of case studies in Hong Kong　　• Residential density and development intensity　　• Land use and amenities: Facilities within site and access to urban services　　• Form and design　　• Transport modes and pedestrian links　　• Local property market and environmental quality　　• Future urban design in Hong Kong　　• Conclusions　　• Acknowledgements　　• References　　Historical introduction to MILU　　The ever-increasing world population has continually stressed the need for intensive but sustainable There is a strong belief among professionals that multiple intensive land use (MILU) has the potential for achieving sustainable development (Walker, 1997) But, there is limited empirical evidence as yet to support such a contention ( Rowley, 1998) Mixed use can be broadly defined as multiple land use where no one type As a guideline, floor area allocated to any single use in a development should not be more than two-thirds of the gross floor area of the entire Multiple uses have been categorized as mixing of revenue producing uses commercial, residential, recreational, institutional and industrial including different types of housing, owner occupied and rented accommodation, public and private uses, as well as accommodation of different social groups ( Coupland, 1997)　　Most of the European cities before the industrial revolution were of mixed use and self sustained low-density locations (Coupland, 1997); people had shops and offices on the ground floor and the residential facilities on the upper level or These cities became crowded after the industrial Architects and urban designers responded to these population pressures with distinct patterns of Technological developments within and outside the building industry significantly influenced the emerging concepts and urban The suburbia concept was prominent among For example, Frank Lloyd Wright conceptualized the Broadacre City in the1920 s as a suburban model for American cities, partially as a response to higher residential densities building up within existing urban The Broadacre City accommodated various uses in a land of four square miles at low Its viability was predicated on high automobile Lloyd's concept also displayed a particular architectural character in the eyes of many (Krohe, 2002) In principle the suburbia concept became popular with better access to automobiles and speedier transport facilities ( Argan, 1968; Krohe, 2002)　　Le Corbusier floated the Radiant city concept in 1933, which also could be described as a response to increasing population and The concept incorporated mega structures with multiple uses where the buildings stood out in contrast to nature and in a less harmonious posture with the existing landscape (Argan, 1968) Le Corbusier's concept was considered a machine age product and never materialized, perhaps because it was not socially acceptable at that This machine age character was to be seen on a small scale in his later design of the Indian city of C　　Fishman (1998) has postulated that Ebenezer Howard's “Garden City” concept was not entirely new, and incorporated features advocated by Lever (1852–1925) and George Cadbury (1839–1922) in their designs developed for the industrial workers in UK The garden city concept provided the impetus for Greater London's expansion in 1944, which was achieved at low density and dominated more by diverse, single use concepts rather an integrated multiple land use This diversity was carved out on a human scale amidst the existing green and natural The garden city concept was essentially a suburbia In the end all these suburbia concepts led to urban sprawl and created other environmental problems such as privatization of open space, soil erosion, fragmentation and reduction of agricultural land and water bodies and reduction of social capital ( Rowley, 1998; Coupland, 1997; Freeman, 2001) House building on private plots in the suburbia demanded large tracts of land for infrastructure and social Especially, the hard surfaces of the road networks contributed to urban heat island Urban migration and huge increases in population also indirectly compounded the problems of the 　　Planners had to respond to this in part by developing high-density residential settlements within the city Until the 1960s, to a large extent these developments in both American and European cities were developed on a single use-zoning plan; the developers in the UK often rejected mixed-use models on the grounds of high development costs (Coupland, 1997; Rowley, 1998; Zhang, 2001) Cities such as Chicago, Los Angeles, Berlin, Liverpool, Manchester, Paris and etc incorporated low-rise walk-up apartments in single use neighborhoods at moderate densities to accommodate the industrial workers especially after Second World W In the mid-1960s Asian cities such as Bombay, Karachi, Colombo, Bangkok and Seoul also adopted similar low-rise This concept of low-rise walk-up apartments was never really successful in North America, Europe and in many parts of A This was largely due to mono-zoning and lack of public transport ( Jones, 2000) Mono-zoning effectively discouraged the provision of a well-diversified social infrastructure, and access to employment Lack of readily available employment opportunities often led youths into crimes ( Zhang, 2000) Mono-zoning in practice limited opportunities for cross subsidizing residential projects taking advantage of associated and lucrative commercial land Especially, impoverished were the public sector and local authorities empowered to provide subsidized Forced to achieve harsh economies in design, essential amenities and security provisions were Furthermore, the multiple land use concept was often wrongly identified as In some instances, planners and local authority officers had advocated mono-zoning purely to promote better hygiene and avoid fire 　　In contrast, cities like Hong Kong and Singapore has followed the high-rise, high-density and multiple intensive land-use concept successfully during the latter part of the 20th century (Zhang, 2000) Hong Kong is unique because it experiences extreme population growth and overcrowding, scarcity of serviced and buildable land, and intensification of land-use, while being poorly endowed in natural resources and raw Hong Kong when compared to Singapore has only 17,600 ha of buildable land to house a population of 7 Among the cities mentioned in the Table 1, Paris has the second highest net density but the city has a land area of 10,500 In contrast, Hong Kong island and Kowloon has a high net density in the range of 2500–3000 person/ha but the land areas are 8000 and 4500 ha, 　　……　　Among the highly urbanized countries, the United States follows horizontal expansion while France and the Netherlands tend to emphasize vertical Hong Kong has the highest emphasis on vertical expansion and over- Yet, the story of Hong Kong as a Sky City attracts the widest interest of urban designers and urban managers seeking to acquire clues to the successful management of limited land and other resources, and more importantly to maintain a vibrant and rich living and working culture in a vertical land use 　　Mega-Cities incorporating high-density developments emerged in the metropolises of the industrialized countries especially North America since the Later North American cities had also adopted performance based mixed-use development models to improve the quality of high-density development (Marwedel, 1998) However, the western models of mixed-use patterns have not found as much favour with most professionals ( Jacobs, 1961; Jenks, 2000; Burgess, 2000; Coupland, 1997; Zhang, 2000) It is beyond the scope of this paper to examine the western models in detail, but some relevant parallels will be drawn from the Western experience

早在上世纪50年代，周诚就对农业企业经济管理理论和方法作了全面与系统的探索，主编了《农业企业组织与计划教程》（校内用书），并于1958年撰写了《高级社劳动管理中的基本问题》一书。在60年代，他研究的重点课题是农业经济核算和经济效果。他对社会主义农产品成本的内涵、实质、农产品的社会成本和个别成本等问题作了明确界定和深入论述；特别是在《经济研究》上发表的《论农产品成本》一文中，力主以标准报酬对农产品成本中的活劳动消耗进行货币估价，即用等量货币代表等量劳动，从而使农产品成本更具真实性和可比性。这一主张后被有关部门采纳。他提出了社会主义经济活动的“满足需要、符合可能与提高效果”的基本原则与讲究社会主义经济效果的三原则即：“最优效果优先、充分投资，总经济效果最高，全部生产资源充分合理利用”；创造性地提出了考察农业生产经济效果的“单产——成本”综合指标。在70年代，他强调要按客观规律办农业，探索了农业扩大再生产的规律，论述了农业现代化和“农业增产增收”的有关规律及实现增产增收的基本途径。其代表作被译成英文刊登在美国的《中国经济译丛》上。1981年周诚撰写了《农业扩大再生产》(教材)和《按客观规律办农业》（专著）。1982年至1983年他曾赴美国康奈尔大学访问，在该校举办了《中国农村经济体制改革》讲座，并参加了全美农业经济学家年会；回国后撰写了《美国农场制度剖析》等文章，介绍和分析美国的农业经济问题。1985年他主编了《社会主义农业经济管理问题》一书。这本书在马克思主义经济理论指导下，借鉴国外的理论，阐述了我国农业经济的基本问题。这些著述在我国农业经济领域中发挥了重要的作用。同期，他还参加了以副主编身份《中国农业百科全书·农业经济卷》的编写，上世纪80年代末至90年代初，周诚重点研究农业规模经济问题，发表了《关于农业规模经营的几个问题》等论文。90年代中期之后，周老重点研究农村基层组织、农民收入、农村土地制度等问题，他的学术观点新颖、独到，在学术界引起较大的反响。其中，《农民收入面面观》一文被重要学术期刊《中国社会科学文摘》等转载。周诚教授是新中国研究土地经济问题的主要学术带头人之一。进入80年代后，周老将土地经济作为研究的重点之一，对于城乡土地经济问题进行了全面、系统的论述，对社会主义土地经济理论的形成和发展起到了重要作用。1985年他受国家农业部门之托，作为中国的惟一代表，赴罗马参加了联合国粮农组织召开的农地问题专家评议会，收获甚丰。1986年周老主编并印行了《土地经济学初编》，这是我国建国以来第一本土地经济学教材，受到普遍的欢迎。1987年又将美国农经教材《美国农业经济学》中译本出版；还主持翻译出版了《城市土地经济学》一书。不仅如此，周诚在中国大陆与海外同行的学术联系上也发挥了重要的作用。1989年他应全国政协委员、香港著名土地管理专家简福贻先生的邀请，并受国家土地管理局委托，对香港土地问题进行了为期两个月的考察，归来后发表长篇考察报告，并向我国土地管理当局提出了一些建设性意见。上世纪90年代初，周老主动发函与台湾知名学者苏志超、林英彦进行联系，促成了台湾土地经济学界代表人物的首次大陆之行，开创了两岸土地经济学界交流的先河。1994年他在《经济研究》杂志上发表了《论土地增值及其政策导向》的论文，标志着对于土地经济问题钻研的日益深入；随后出版了《土地经济研究》文集。2003年8月由商务印书馆出版的《土地经济学原理》一书，是周老独创的土地经济学“三大板块”理论架构的全面体现，目前这一构架正日益受到土地经济学界的重视。该书在一系列重大问题上，显示了作者的独到、深刻的见解，在土地经济学科建设史上居于承前启后的地位。目前周老正在编著《普通经济学》，该书将一改以往政治经济学和西方经济学各自为政的格局，试图将政治经济学和西方经济学相互贯通，开辟经济学领域的“第三势力”，从而更好地服务于我国改革发展的实践，周老预计2014年完成初稿后交付出版。

是这么？：TWO-SECTOR, THREE-MARKET CIRCULAR FLOW:A circular flow model of the macroeconomy containing two sectors (business and household) and three markets (product, factor, and financial)两因素，三市场环形流宏观经济学中，一个环形流模式包含两个因素（商业和家庭）和三个市场（产品市场、代理市场和金融市场）

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